Women’s Movement and the Kenyan State

Women’s Movement and the Kenyan State The Women’s Movement and the Kenyan State: Cooperation or Conflict? Gloria Mmoji Vuluku   Abstract State intervention in Kenya’s women movement is inhibiting progress on women equality. This intervention has taken the form resources that aid and influence their activities as well as laws that essentially make women movements dependent on government to achieve their objectives. The resulting scenario is an association between women movements and the state that is more cooperative than conflictual. Hence any meaningful changes in gender relations are essentially slow as change is achieved through constant consultation and compromise. These were the conclusions made after an examination of women organizations and policies on women in Kenya. The Kenyan government aid women’s organizations by availing various resources, like direct funding and government offices through the 1/3 gender rule on public offices. Data collected through an analysis of various women’s programs show how this allows the government to influence the women’s movement. In addition, data was collected on 10 women organizations between 2004-2014 indicate a diverse and vibrant women’s organisation that is on the decline. This is because government policies curtail the development of women organizations into full time professional organisations. Therefore, cooperation between the women’s movement and the government is institutionalised, has led to co-optation, minimizing conflict and curtailing any meaningful change in gender relations in Kenya. Key Words: Women Movement, State, Conflict, Cooperation, Social movement. Introduction State intervention in Kenya’s women movement is inhibiting progress on women equality. This intervention has taken the form of direct resources that aid and influence their activities as well as policies that essentially make women movements dependent on government to achieve their objectives. The resulting scenario is an association between women movements and the state that is more cooperative than conflictual. Hence any meaningful changes in gender relations are essentially slow as change is achieved through constant consultation and compromise. The Kenyan government aids women’s organizations by availing various resources, like direct funding through the UWEZO fund and government offices through the 1/3 gender rule on public offices. This allows the government to influence the women’s movement. The resultant effect is the apparent decline in a once diverse and vibrant women movement. This can also be attributed to policies made especially in the last decade t hat curtail the development of women organizations into full time professional organisations. The policies have made cooperation between the women’s movement and the government institutionalised, minimizing conflict and curtailing any meaningful change in gender relations in Kenya. In this paper examine the effect state intervention has had on the women’s movement in Kenya. How has government intervention contributed to the demobilization of the women movement? What are the effects of institutionalization of the Kenyan women movement? What needs to be done for the women movement in Kenya to achieve meaningful social change—equality? These are the fundamental questions that the paper tries to answer. Since the study of women’s movements is premised within the wider field of social movements, I start by critically analysing the definitions of movements. Emphasis here is on the definition of social movements as â€Å"outsiders† with respect to conventional politics, and utilise unconventional or protest tactics (Diani, 1992). The argument here, and which runs throughout the paper, is that social movements are formed to meet undefined or unstructured situations and mostly use unconventional means to achieve their objectives outside institutional channels. Once the state intervenes, most of these movements become institutionalized, the tactics become part of the conventional repertoire, large numbers of movement leaders co-opt and cooperation takes precedent over conflict. The resulting scenario is social change achieved through bargaining and compromise which is slow. Second, I show data from 2004 to 2014 supporting the argument that state intervention has led to the decline in the women movement in Kenya. Data will show that the decline of the movement began the day Kenya declared victory against the repressive regime of its second president in 2003. Subsequent regimes have provided aid to women’s organizations by availing various resources, like direct funding and government offices through the 1/3 gender rule on public offices. This section will show how this aid has contributed to the demobilization of the women movement in Kenya. The section goes further to show how policies formulated to enhance women equality have worked against the movement and in the process weakened it. I then turn in a third section to a discussion of what needs to be done for the women movement in Kenya to achieve meaningful social change, focusing on both the conditions that help foster movements—like use of unconventional means to achieve objectivesâ₠¬â€ and traditional factors that lead to the decline of a movement. Conceptualizing Movement-State Interaction Theory of social movement relies heavily on the assumption of a dichotomy between social movements and the state. Early studies on the subject were based on the assumption that movements had limited access to institutional resources like the state and hence confrontational towards such institutions, with the state being its main target. Multiple definitions of social movements underscored this position with the main principles being their location outside the state (Gamson, 1990); and the target being the state (Tilly, 1978). However, in the last three decades, scholars of social movements have observed a move that has seen social movements become more accommodating to the state, they have become institutionalized, tactics have become more routinized and have adopted cooperation rather than conflict in relation to the state (Costain Mcfarland, 1998; Giugni Passy, 1998; Meyer Tarrow, 1998; Mcadam, Tarrow, Tilly, 2001). Likewise, the state has become more accommodating to social mo vements (Banaszak, Beckwith, Rucht, 2003). This has led some scholars to term this association as â€Å"conflictual cooperation† (Giugni Passy, 1998), while others have introduced the concept of a â€Å"social movements society† (Meyer Tarrow, 1998). In fact, to some scholars, this increased institutionalization of movements and the integration of social movement ideas and the state could be seen as a success of social movements (Gamson, 1990). In the same line, there have been a number of works to show the mutual influences between social movements and the state. Topics such as framing protest issues (Gamson and Meyer; 1996), repression (Kurzman, 1996; Rasler, 1996), movement outcomes (Dalton, 1995; Misztal and Jenkins, 1995) and most commonly political opportunity structures (Kriesi,1995; McAdam, McCarthy and Zald, 1996; Tarrow, 1996). The separation of movement politics from institutinalized politics was clearly illustrated in Tilly’s 1978 works where he presented social movements as ‘challengers’ seeking to enter the institutinalized world where there is routinized access to power. Gamson (1990) who saw movements as ‘outsider’ groups whose challeges succeded as such groups became recognized actors in institutional politics. Therefore, students of social movements commonly associate institutinalization with demobilization, as social movements are necessarily extrainstitutional (Katzenstei n, 1998). The integration of movement and state is seen as coà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ optation and a deà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ radicalization process that equates to the end of protest politics. Women’sMovements, andtheState:ABlurredDivideBetweenProtestandInstitutions In the course of the 1980’s ‘autonomous’ women movements started declining. States were displaying increasing openness to women’s movements ideas and actors, a new vision of the relationship between women’s movement and the state started to proliferate. Women movement scholars increasingly viewed the state as a possible and new arena for women movement action. This was against the dominant viewpoint that women movement and the state had an irreduciblerelationship (Ferguson,1984). The viewpoint was generally referred to as ‘state feminism’ (Hernes,1987). Three approaches have been used to explain how and why the women movement and the state have increasingly interacted; the femocraticapproach has associated state feminism with the presence of individual actors promoting gender equality within the bureaucracy, driving change from within the state. This approach argues that the state can ‘empower’ women (Hernes, 1987) through t hepresenceof women activists withinthestateandindividualadvocatesofwomen’srightsworkingwithinthebureaucracy (Franzway,Court,Connell1989;Eisenstein1990;Sawer1990;Watson1990;Eisenstein1995a;Eisenstein1995b). However, the biggest criticism of the approach lays in the accountability notion. Indeed, whatistoguaranteethatoncetheyrisetopositionsofinfluenceandpower, women will remain true to the interests of the mass of women? This is because working within state institutions itself imposes a number of constraints. The women activists within the state are first accountable to the government before the masses of women so as to maintain their position causing tension in the women movement. TheRNGSapproach, focuseson women’s policy agencies as (potential)institutional relays of women’s movements ideas and actors within the state. Inthisapproach, women’spolicyagenciesareatthecenteroftheattention,focusisplacedontheextenttowhichtheywillreflectwomenmovementdemandsandachievetheirintegrationintopublicpolicy (Revillard2006b).Themainissueaddressedbythisapproach to state feminism is whether or not public policies could integrate feminist perspectives and towhatextentwomen’spolicybodieswereinstrumentaltotheprocess.TheRNGSresearchdesignproposed to study state feminismbycomparingtheeffectivenessofwomen’spolicyagenciesinadvancingwomen’s movementsgoals in the policymaking processesofpostindustrialdemocracies(RNGS2006). Finally, the coalitionapproach, coalitions have drawn attention to the blurring boundary between social movements and the state with specific reference to the women movement (Mazur2002;Stoffel2005;Holli2008). There is conscious ly initiated cooperation by women groups tofurthertheiraimsorachievegoalsperceivedasimportant in a policy process (Holli,2008). The Kenyan Women Movement and the Kenyan State: The Kenya women’s movement has played a key role as a change agent in respect to advancement of women’s rights, gender equality, social justice and promoting good governance in general. However, its impact has varied over time and in different contexts. Hence I seek to locate the women’s movement in Kenya during the different periods of Kenya’s history while analysing its relation to the Kenyan state over these periods. The periods that have shaped the women movement in Kenya are; the colonial period (before 1963); one party state (1969-1992); liberation movement (1992-2002); and, Kenya’s transition to democracy (1992-2002). After independence, between 1963 and 1992 there was little change in women’s status and State support for women’s empowerment initiatives was minimal at best. The government co-opted or controlled women’s organizations, e.g. 1987 merger of MYWO with the ruling and only political party-KANU. The Kenyan state that was intolerant to such organizing, unless such a group condoned and promoted the oppressive political status quo (Nzomo, ). Capacity to organize and engage politically was lacking. The only three national women’s organizations allowed to function at the time, namely, Maendeleo ya Wanawake (MYWO), National Council of Women of Kenya (NCWK) and the Nairobi Business and Professional Women’s organisation operated strictly on government’s terms: they had to be non-political and non- partisan in all their actions and had to limit their women’s agenda, strictly to social welfare provisioning, promoting the role of women as homemakers, mobilizing and organizing women at grassroots level into women’s groups to support agendas of male political elites. The period after 1992 has been dubbed the â€Å"Second Liberation† in Kenyan politics, as it marked the return to political pluralism in Kenya and the beginning of opening up of political space for exercising basic and universally accepted democratic freedoms. References Banaszak, L. A., Beckwith, K., Rucht, D. (2003). Womens movements facing the reconfigured state. New York: Cambridge University Press. Costain, A. N., Mcfarland, A. S. (1998). Social movements and American Political Institutions. Lanham, Md: Rowman Littlefield. Giugni, M. G., Passy, F. (1998). Contentious Politics in Complex Societies: New Social Movements between Conflict and Cooperation. In M. G. Giugni, D. McAdam, C. Tilly (Eds.), From Contention to Democracy. Lanham, MD: Rowman Littlefiel. McAdam, D., Tarrow, S., Tilly, C. (2001). Dynamics of Contention. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Meyer, D. S., Tarrow, S. (Eds.). (1998). The Social Movement Society: Contentious Politics for a New Century. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield.

Eco 507 Midterm

ECO 507 Midterm Test 1. (i. ) ? =? lnQ/? lnP ? =P/Q* (? Q/? K) = Elasticity The coefficients of double log model are the corresponding elasticities Price elasticity = 1. 247 Income elasticity = 1. 905 (ii. )Price elasticity = -1. 2 Income elasticity = 2 Cross price elasticity = 1. 5 Current volume = 10 mil Average income increase by 2. 5% New qty after increase in income = Ie=2 2=%? Q%? I 2=%? Q/2. 5 %? Q=5% New Qty = 11. 445 mil To increase the sales volume only by 9. 2% you would have to reduce the price. %? Q/%? P=Pe -5. 25%?P=-1. 2 %? P=4. 375% (iii). a. Maximize†¦Z = M + . 5S + . 5MS – S? Subject to 30000S + 60000M = 1200000 Lagrangean†¦L=M+. 5S+. MS-S2+? 1,200,000-30,000S-60,000M ?L? S=0. 5+0. 5M-2S-30,000? ?L? M=1+0. 5S-60,000? ?L =30,000S+60,000M Equating ? , I get 1 + 0. 5S/60000 = 0. 5 + 0. 5M – 2S M = 4. 5S By substituting into budget constraint, I get 30000S + 60000 * 4. 5S = 1200000 S = 4 M = 18 b. Cost function = 30000S + 60000M Marginal cost of S = 30000 Marginal cost of M = 60000 Total marginal cost = 90000 c. (iv. ) a. Demand†¦Q = a – bPE = (P/Q)*(? Q/? P) E = -b (P/Q) -0. 4 = -b(4/2) b = 0. 2 a = Q + bP = 2 + 0. 2 * 4 a = 2. 08 Demand Equation†¦Q = 2. 08 – 0. 2P 2. (i) Q = LK ?Q? L = K ?2Q? L2 = 0 The second order derivative did not give a negative value, so it ignores the condition of diminishing marginal productivity of labor. b. Q (L, K) = LK Q (mL, mK) = m? LK The output increases more than proportionally, there are increasing returns to scale. c. Q = LK TC = wL + rK L = wL + rK + ? (Q-LK) ?L? L = w + ? (K) =0 ?L? K = r + ? (L) =0 w /r = K/L =RTSIn this equation, the firm should use K and L as given that ratio to minimize cost of production. The Lagrangean Multiplier is marginal cost of any input to marginal benefit of any input should be same for any input. It explains if marginal cost –benefit ratio is greater for K than L, we have to substitute L for K to minimize cost. d. 225 = LK 225 = 16L+144K L = 16L+144K + ? (225-LK) ?L? L = 16 + ? (K) =0 ?L? K = 144 + ? (L) =0 K/L =0. 11 K = 0. 11 L L (0. 11L) = 225 0. 11 L^2 = 225 L^2= 2045. 46 L = 45. 23 45. 23K = 225 K = 4. 97 TC = 16*45. 23+144*4. 7 TC = $1439. 36 e. (ii) X dollars increase in the daily rate above $60, there are x units vacant. So 60+X= 80-X 2X=20 X=10 If they charge 60+10=$70, 10 rooms will be vacant and 70- rooms will be occupied. The profit for 80 rooms occupation at $60 per room, TR= 80*60= $4800 TC= 4*80= $320 Profit = $4480 The profit for 70 rooms at the price of $70 TR= 70*70= $4900 TC= 4*70= $280 Profit= $4900 -$280= $4620 In this case the profit will also be maximized. 3. i) a) Maximize Y = 2Ty – . 001Ty^2 S. t. 100Ty + 25Tz = 1300 Also Maximize Z= 20 Tz – . 1 Tz^2 S. t 100Ty + 25Tz = 1300 b) I used the Lagrangean to get: L = 2Ty – . 001Ty^2 + 20 Tz – . 01 Tz^2 +? (1300 – 100 Ty- 25Tz) dL/dTy = 2 – 0. 002Ty – ? (100) = 0 dL/dTz = 20 – 0 . 02Tz -? (25) = 0 Also 100Ty + 25Tz = 1300 Divide the first two equation to get : 2 – 0. 002Ty = ? (100) 20 – 0. 02Tz =? (25) 2- 0. 002Ty = 100 20- 0. 02Tz = 25 2-0. 002Ty /20- 0. 002Tz = 4 2- 0. 002Ty = 80 – 0. 008Tz 0. 008 Tz – 0. 002Ty = 78 100Ty + 25Tz = 1300 So T*y = 2. 28 and Tz = 42. 88 ii) a) Q= 10 L – 0. 1L ^2 Wage rate = 12Now Q = 250 Then L required Then L* = 50 And Labor price is 12 so total cost = 12Ãâ€"50 = 600 < 500. You should not accept the offer b) Optimal amount of labor will be the one that equates MPL with wage ratio MPL = 10 – 0. 2L = 2 8 = 0. 2 L L* = 40 And wage paid = 80 This is the optimal point and I should accept the offer as 80 < 500 Profit = 500 – 80 = 420 iii) To calculate the optimal price I used the markup formula that says that P – MC/ P = – 1/ed Put the values to get P- 10/P = -1/1. 5 1. 5 P – 15 = -P 2. 5 P = 15 P* = 6

Aiding Children of Drug and Alcohol Addicted Parents and Siblings

As the child gets older, he or she becomes aware of the existence of many things that would help him or her to become a mature individual. In other words, the society will have a very important role in molding the youth to become responsible people in the future.However, regardless of a better society, the child learns at home first before he or she becomes exposed to what the society can teach to him or her. If the parents or siblings are taking illegal drugs, the health and well-being of the child will definitely be affected (Parenting and Child Health).Addiction to drugs and alcohol would affect the development of the child and the possibility of being a drug user in the future is high (Marina & McKeganay 554).There are many consequences in drug addiction of a member of the family. It may lead to domestic violence and may cause depression to the child (Hope Networks). Moreover, the child may imitate the acts of taking alcohol and using drugs in the future (Zuckerman et al 758).Man y proposals have been suggested to lessen the cases of violence due to drug abuse but the society often end up facing the dilemma of having too many people that keep on taking alcohol improperly and using illegal drugs.Even the government has amended laws to reduce the number of children that are victims of the consequences of drug use (Keheller et al 1586). One of the most popular techniques of reducing the problems with drugs and alcohol is the family treatment. The family having a problem with drugs is being treated in order to avoid the possible family conflicts in the future (Miller 1046).Drug addiction is often being paid attention only when the member of the family is already affected. Many health professionals may have been successful in treating the victims of alcohol and drug addiction which made people realized that problems brought by alcohol and drugs can easily be fixed (Fleming 95).This perception is one of the most common misconceptions of the society regarding socie tal problems. The society often fails to realize that the treatment can be most effective before the result of drug addiction takes place. In other words, people should answer the problems of drugs and alcohol even before the society gets affected by its consequences.

Analysis Of Shirley Jacksons The Lottery - 1303 Words

As once said by Professor John P. Kotter, tradition is a very powerful force (qtd. in AZQuotes). In Shirley Jacksons chilling story The Lottery, a town celebrates a special custom of stoning people to death every year. Jackson perfectly depicts a possible event that may occur from blindly following tradition without evaluating the purpose or usefulness of it in the first place. Jackson’s use of plot, theme, and symbolism reveal the evil reality of blind faith, tradition, and their consequences. Initially, Jackson’s twisted plot reveals the infinite, vicious cycle that a tradition can become. In the exposition of the story a boy by the name of Bobby Martin collects rocks and â€Å"other boys soon followed his example† (Jackson 1). In the†¦show more content†¦This proves the difficulty of bringing change and the actuality of the consequence of trying to fight a tradition. Everyone including Tessie’s family and friends turned their back on her. Through the use of themes, Jackson demonstrates that blind faith creates oblivious and scared communities who rather follow and obey a belief instead of respecting their own morals. Hence, Mrs. Hutchinson is stoned to death without a vindicated reason. The line, â€Å"although the villagers had forgotten the ritual and lost the original black box, they still remembered to use stones,† is evidence that the town has lost itself in something that has no meaning to them, but that has sovereignty over the m (7). Proof throughout history supports the idea of repetition of events in which people will innocently pay the price for their lives for a crime they did not commit. Barely three years before the appearance of The Lottery, the world was horrified to learn of the extent to which Hitler and his followers had gone in their persecution of Europes Jews, Gypsies, and other victims, the scapegoats for what some perceived to be the evils of Europe. By their deaths Germany was to be purified (Bogert 1985). In addition, custom is one of the most prevalent themes in this short story. One of the characters Mr. Summers talked about making a new box, but a modification never occurred because â€Å"no one liked to upset even as muchShow MoreRelatedAnalysis Of Shirley Jacksons The Lottery841 Words   |  4 PagesSecond World War. In the short story â€Å"The Lottery†, Shirley Jackson used persecution and tradition to demonstrate how scapegoating justified unfair killing. Both of these a spects relate to the World War that preceded only a couple years before the story was written. The persecution was blind and done once a year as a tradition that everyone expected to happen. Therefore, the story’s main idea was to let the reader imagine what the real meaning of the lottery was. At first, Jackson described the townRead MoreAnalysis of Shirley Jacksons The Lottery490 Words   |  2 Pages In Shirley Jackson’s â€Å"The Lottery,† the theme of the story is dramatically illustrated by Jackson’s unique tone. Once a year the villagers gather together in the central square for the lottery. The villagers await the arrival of Mr. Summers and the black box. Within the black box are folded slips of paper, one piece having a black dot on it. All the villagers then draw a piece of paper out of the box. Whoever gets the paper with the black dot wins. Tessie Hutchinson wins the lottery! Everyone thenRead MoreAnalysis Of Shirley Jacksons The Lottery954 Words   |  4 Pagesthe authors message. Shirley Jackson’s â€Å"The Lottery† displays a masterful usage of literary elements to better convey Jackson’s general purpose, such as through the deep symbolism and underlying theme; however, Jackson’s true provocation of emotion is accomplished through her quintessential use of point of view. The objective point of view is indispensable within â€Å"The Lottery† because of the creation of suspense, drama, and irony. To begin with, the first reason why Jackson’s objective point of viewRead MoreAnalysis of Shirley Jacksons The Lottery Essay776 Words   |  4 Pagesâ€Å"The Lottery† is a short story by Shirley Jackson, first published on June 26, 1948. The story was initially met with negative critical reception due to its violent nature and portrayal of the potentially dangerous nature of human society. It was even banned in some countries. However, â€Å"The Lottery† is now widely accepted as a classic American short story and is used in classrooms throughout the country. Jackson’s story takes a critical look at what can result when the customs and laws that governRead MoreAnalysis of Shirley Jacksons The Lottery Essays4601 Words   |  19 Pages Shirley Jackson’s famous short story, â€Å"The Lottery,† was published in 1948 and remains to this day one of the most enduring and affecting American works in the literary canon. â€Å"The Lottery† tells the story of a farming community that holds a ritualistic lottery among its citizens each year. Although the text initially presents audiences with a close-knit community participating in a social event together on a special day, the shocking twist at the work’s end—with the death of the lottery’s â€Å"winner†Read MoreAnalysis of John Steinbecks Chrysanthemums and Shirley Jacksons The Lottery1500 Words   |  6 PagesExamining The ChrysanthemumS The Lottery Examining The Chrysanthemums The Lottery In the WWII period, women entered the workforce is massive numbers a statistical anomaly that had never existed in American society or hardly any other modern society, ever. They became empowered and more women realized a wider range of their capabilities. A few decades after WWII, the feminist movement would rise to change the course of womens history again. The success and fervor of the feminist movementRead MoreAn Analysis of Shirley Jacksons The Lottery and Flannery OConnors A Good Man Is Hard to Find1360 Words   |  5 PagesShirley Jackson The Lottery Shirley Jacksons short story The Lottery depicts life in a provincial American town with rigid social norms. Mr. Summers symbolizes everything that is wrong with the town; he represents blind adherence to ritual, social rigidity, and resistance to change. His name corresponds with the seasonal setting of The Lottery, too, drawing attention to the importance of his character in shaping the theme of the story. Summers is in charge of the central motif of the storyRead More Shirley Jacksons The Lottery 946 Words   |  4 PagesShirley Jackson is said to be one of the most â€Å"brilliant and influential authors of the twentieth century.† â€Å"Her fiction writing is some of the most important to come out of the American literary canon.† (http://shirleyjackson.org/Reviews.html) Jackson wrote many short stories and even some books. They are more on the dark, witchlike side, however. Kelleher explains that Jackson stated in some interviews that she practiced magic. No one re ally knows if she was serious while practicing witchcraftRead MoreUse of Symbolism in The Lottery by Shirley Jackson1146 Words   |  5 Pagesbulb represents ideas that just sparked into a character’s head. In the short story, â€Å"The Lottery† by Shirley Jackson, a village has just entered the month of June, meaning that the lottery is to begin. When everyone was present, the heads of the households’ names were called one by one to pick up a slip of paper. It was then discovered that the Hutchinson family was the chosen family to participate in the lottery again. When Mr. Hutchinson, Mrs. Hutchinson, Bill Jr., Nancy, and Little Dave each gotRead MoreSymbolism in The Lottery, by Shirley Jackson Essay example1173 Words   |  5 PagesWhen most people play the lottery today, they think about having wealth. Generally, people who win are happy about it whether they win one dollar or a million. The lottery in our society has grown to support education and it is often worth several million dollars. Usually, the winner of the lottery gains a lot of recognition for the money they win. But what would happen if there was a small town where people held a yearly lottery in which the â€Å"winner† was the member of the town who was not sacrificed